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可萨利亚王国
Eastern Tourkia
ממלכת הכוזרים
约618年—约1048年
可萨汗国,650–850
可萨汗国,650–850
地位汗国
首都Balanjar (650-约720)
Semender (720年代-750)
阿得水 (750-约967至969)
常用语言Turkic Khazar
宗教
腾格里
犹太教[1]
基督教
伊斯兰教
异教
宗教融合[2]
可汗 
• 618–628
统叶护
• 9th century
俄巴底亚
• 9th century
Zachariah
• 9th century
Bulan
• 9th century
Benjamin
• 9th century
Aaron
• 9th century
Khan Tuvan
• 10th century
Joseph
• 10th century
Manasseh
• 10th century
David
• 11th century
Georgios
历史时期中世纪
• 建立
约618年
• 终结
约1048年
人口
• 7世纪[3]
1,400,000
货币Yarmaq

Template:History of the Turks pre-14th centuryTemplate:History of Tatarstan

可萨人 (英语:Khazars,希腊语Χάζαροι, 希伯来语כוזרים‬ (Kuzarim),[4] 土耳其语Hazarlar, 鞑靼语Xäzärlär, 阿拉伯语:خزر‎ (khazar), 俄语:Хазары, 波斯语خزر‎,拉丁语Gazari[5][6]/Cosri[7]/Gasani[8][9])是一支半游牧突厥人,他们于西突厥分裂后建立了一般被称为可萨汗国或可萨利亚的强大政权[10]。可萨利亚横跨北欧西南亚之间的商业要道,是中世纪最重要的贸易中心之一,其控制了丝绸之路西线并且作为中国中东基辅罗斯之间的十字路口扮演了关键的商业角色[11][12]。在三个世纪间(大约650–965)可萨人统治了从伏尔加-顿河草原到东克里米亚和北高加索的广阔区域[13]

可萨利亚长期作为拜占庭帝国与北方草原上的游牧民族和倭马亚王朝(自从可萨人作为拜占庭的代理同萨珊波斯帝国作战之后)之间的缓冲国。这个同盟在大约公元900年被抛弃,拜占庭开始鼓动阿兰人进攻可萨利亚并削弱其在克里米亚和高加索的领地,同时寻求与可萨利亚北面崛起的渴望皈依基督教的罗斯国家缔结协约[14]。在965年到969年之间, 基辅罗斯大公斯维亚托斯拉夫一世征服了汗国首都阿得水并摧毁了可萨国。

从8世纪起,可萨王室和显贵皈依犹太教;可萨人口中呈现出多教派——异教徒、腾格里教徒、犹太教、基督徒和穆斯林礼拜者交织——和多民族的特点[15]。A modern theory, that the core of 阿什肯纳兹犹太人 emerged from a hypothetical Khazarian Jewish diaspora, is now viewed with scepticism by most scholars[谁?], but occasionally supported by others. This Khazarian hypothesis is sometimes associated with antisemitism and anti-Zionism.

词源

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Gyula Németh, following Zoltán Gombocz, derived Xazar from a hypothetical *Qasar reflecting a Turkic root qaz- ("to ramble, to roam") being an hypothetical velar variant of Common Turkic kez-.[16] With the publication of the fragmentary Tes and Terkhin inscriptions of the Uyğur empire (744-840) where the form 'Qasar' is attested, though uncertainty remains whether this represents a personal or tribal name, gradually other hypotheses emerged. Louis Bazin derived it from Turkic qas- ("tyrannize, oppress, terrorize") on the basis of its phonetic similarity to the Uyğur tribal name, Qasar.[17] András Róna-Tas connects it with Kesar, the Pahlavi transcription of the Roman title Caesar.[18]

D.M.Dunlop tried to link the Chinese term for "Khazars" to one of the tribal names of the Uyğur Toquz Oğuz, namely the Gésà.[19][20] The objections are that Uyğur Gesa/Qasar was not a tribal name but rather the surname of the chief of the Sikari tribe of the Toquz Oğuz, and that in Middle Chinese the ethnonym "Khazars", always prefaced with the word Tūjué signifying 'Türk' (Tūjué Kěsà bù:突厥可萨部; Tūjué Hésà:突厥曷萨), is transcribed with different characters than that used to render the Qa- in the Uyğur word 'Qasar'.[21][22][23] After their conversion it is reported that they adopted the Hebrew script,[24] and it is likely that, though speaking a Türkic language, the Khazar chancellery under Judaism probably corresponded in Hebrew.[25]

部落的起源和早期历史

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部落[26]根据被最广泛认可的观点,可萨联盟的组成基本上是突厥人,例如乌戈尔语族群,包括萨拉胡儿人、乌戈尔人、欧诺古尔人英语Onogurs保加尔人,他们构成了敕勒联盟的一部分。这些部落中很多是被沙比尔人驱离故土,而沙比尔人反过来又逃离阿瓦尔人,这些人从公元4世纪那么早就开始流入伏尔加英语Volga Region-里海-本都间区域并早在463年就被普瑞斯科记载居住在西部欧亚草原[27][28]。 他们似乎在匈人/匈奴人的游牧政权瓦解之后自蒙古和南西伯利亚而来。这些突厥人建立了一个多种族的部落联盟,其中可能包含了伊朗人[29]古蒙古人乌拉尔人古西伯利亚人部落的混合,于552年打败了支配中亚的柔然的阿瓦尔人并向西横扫追杀其残部,同时把各草原游牧民族和粟特诸邦人民拉上战车[30]

部落联盟的统治家族可能来自西突厥部的阿史那氏[31],though Constantine Zuckerman regards Āshǐnà and their pivotal role in the formation of the Khazars with scepticism.[32] Golden notes that Chinese and Arabic reports are almost identical, making the connection a strong one, and conjectures that their leader may have been Yǐpíshèkuì (Chinese:乙毗射匮), who lost power or was killed around 651.[33] Moving west, the confederation reached the land of the Akat(z)ir,[34] who had been important allies of Byzantium in fighting off Attila's army.

可萨汗国崛起

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可萨利亚的萌芽状态大约在630年后开始形成[35],此时其从更大的突厥汗国的分裂之中出现。突厥军队在549年渗入了伏尔加地区并将阿瓦尔人驱逐到潘诺尼亚平原避难。阿史那氏名为“突厥”(强者)的部族在552年,当时他们推翻了柔然并建立了突厥汗国[36]。在568年这些突厥人曾寻求与拜占庭联盟攻击波斯。数十年后当佗钵可汗死后在佗钵选定的继承人阿波可汗和阿史那摄图(沙钵略可汗)之间爆发了一系列继承危机,演变为一场在较早的东突厥和后来出现的西突厥间的两败俱伤的内战。到了7世纪初阿史那叶护成功稳定了西突厥,他对拜占庭提供了关键的军事支援来击溃波斯腹地的萨珊军队[37][38],但在他死后下西突厥汗国原本的“十姓部落”分裂为互相对抗的咄陆五部和弩失毕五部[39]。在西方两个新的游牧国家崛起,分别为咄陆领袖库布拉特汗英语Kubrat控制的“北庭”保加利亚和“南庭”弩失毕。The Duōlù challenged the Avars in the Kuban River-Sea of Azov area while the Khazar Qağanate consolidated further westwards, led apparently by an Āshǐnà dynasty. engineered by 苏定方, Chinese overlordship was imposed to their East after a final mop-up operation in 659, but the two confederations of Bulğars and Khazars fought for supremacy on the western steppeland, and with the ascendency of the latter, the former either succumbed to Khazar rule or, as under 库布拉特的儿子阿斯巴鲁赫, shifted even further west across the Danube 跨过多瑙河奠定了巴尔干的保加尔人国度的基础(约679年)[40][41]

The Qağanate of the Khazars thus took shape out of the ruins of this nomadic empire as it broke up under pressure from the Tang dynasty armies to the east sometime between 630-650[33]。在他们征服了东面伏尔加河下游地区和西面多瑙河第聂伯河之间的区域,和征服欧诺古尔人英语Onogurs-保加尔人联盟后,约在670年前后一个组织得当的可萨汗国形成了,它成为了强大的突厥汗国解体后其最西化的继承国。根据Omeljan Pritsak所说欧诺古尔人-保加尔人联邦的语言之后成了可萨利亚的通用语[42] as it developed into what Lev Gumilev called a 'steppe Atlantis' (stepnaja Atlantida/ Степная Атлантида).[43] The high status soon to be accorded this empire to the north is attested by Ibn al-Balḫî的Fârsnâma(约1100年),提到萨珊国王霍斯劳一世自己加冕了三个宝座,一个是中国君王、第二个为拜占庭君王而第三个为可萨人的王准备。虽然这个传说把之后才出现的可萨人移花接木到了的那个时代,但把可萨可汗放在与另两个强权同等地位的宝座上证明了可萨人之前获得的声望[44][45]

可萨汗国的文化和制度

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二头王权和sacral Qağanate

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可萨利亚发展出[46]两个著名的机制:典型的突厥游牧体系二头王权——包含一个“可汗”和一个“汗伯克[47]——和 a sacral Qağanate. The emergence of this system may be deeply entwined with the conversion to Judaism.[48] In Arabic sources, the lesser king was called îšâ and the greater king Xazar xâqân, the former managing both state and civilian affairs and the administration of the military, while the greater king's role was titular, not commanding obedience. He was recruited from the Khazar house of notables (ahl bait ma'rûfīn) in a throttling ritual where the candidate is almost strangled until he declares the number of years he wishes to reign, on the expiration of which he was killed.[49][50][51][52] The deputy ruler would enter the presence of the reclusive greater king only with great ceremony, approaching him barefoot to prostrate himself in the dust and then light a piece of wood as a purifying fire, while waiting humbly and calmly to be summoned.[53] Particularly elaborate rituals accompanied a royal burial. At one period, travellers had to dismount, bow before the ruler's tomb, and then walk away on foot.[54] Subsequently, the charismatic sovereign's burial place was hidden from view, with a palatial structure ('Paradise') constructed and then hidden under rerouted river water to avoid disturbance by evil spirits and later generations. Such a royal burial ground (qoruq) is typical of inner Asian peoples.[55] Both the îšâ and the xâqân converted to Judaism sometime in the 8th century, while the rest, according to the Persian traveller Ahmad ibn Rustah, probably followed the old Tūrkic religion.[56][57]

统治精英

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The ruling strata, like that of the later Činggisids within the Golden Horde, was a relatively small group that differed ethnically and linguistically from its subject peoples. This is thought to have been the Alano-As and Oğuric Turkic tribes, who were numerically superior within Khazaria.[58] The Khazar Qağans, while taking wives and concubines from the subject populations, were protected by a Khwârazmian guard corps or comitatus called the Ursiyya.[59][60] But unlike many other local polities, they hired soldiers (mercenaries) (the junûd murtazîqa in al-Mas'ûdî).[61] At the peak of their empire, the Khazars ran a centralised fiscal administration, with a standing army of some 7-12,000 men, which could, at need, be multipied two or three times that number by inducting reserves from their nobles' retinues.[62][63] Other figures for the permanent standing army indicate that it numbered as many as one hundred thousand. They controlled and exacted tribute from 25-30 different nations and tribes inhabiting the vast territories between the Caucasus, the Aral Sea, the Ural Mountains, and the Ukrainian steppes.[64] Khazar armies were led by the Qağan Bek and commanded by subordinate officers known as tarkhans. When the bek sent out a body of troops, they would not retreat under any circumstances. If they were defeated, every one who returned was killed.[65]

Settlements were governed by administrative officials known as tuduns. In some cases, such as the Byzantine settlements in southern Crimea, a tudun would be appointed for a town nominally within another polity's sphere of influence. Other officials in the Khazar government included dignitaries referred to by ibn Fadlan as Jawyshyghr and Kündür, but their responsibilities are unknown.

人民

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It has been estimated that from 25 to 28 distinct ethnic groups made up the population of the Khazar Qağanate, aside from the ethnic elite. The ruling elite seems to have been constituted out of nine tribes/clans, themselves ethnically heterogeneous, spread over perhaps nine provinces or principalities, each of which would have been allocated to a clan.[50] In terms of caste or class, some evidence suggests that there was a distinction, whether racial or social is unclear, between "White Khazars" (ak-Khazars) and "Black Khazars" (qara-Khazars).[50] The 10th-century Muslim geographer al-Iṣṭakhrī claimed that the White Khazars were strikingly handsome with reddish hair, white skin, and blue eyes, while the Black Khazars were swarthy, verging on deep black, as if they were "some kind of Indian".[66] Many Turkic nations had a similar (political, not racial) division between a "white" ruling warrior caste and a "black" class of commoners; the consensus among mainstream scholars is that Istakhri was confused by the names given to the two groups.[67] However, Khazars are generally described by early Arab sources as having a white complexion, blue eyes, and reddish hair.[68][69] The name of the presumed founding Āshǐnà clan itself may reflect an etymology suggestive of a darkish colour.[70][71] The distinction appears to have survived the collapse of the Khazarian empire. Later Russian chronicles, commenting on the role of the Khazars in the magyarization of Hungary, refer to them as "White Oghurs" and Magyars as "Black Ogurs".[72] Studies of the physical remains, such as skulls at Sarkel, have revealed a mixture of Slavic, European, and a few Mongolian types.[73]

经济

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The import and export of foreign wares, and the revenues derived from taxing their transit, was a key hallmark of the Khazar economy, though it is said also to have produced isinglass.[74] Distinctively among the nomadic steppe polities, the Khazar Qağanate developed a self-sufficient domestic economy, a combination of traditional pastoralism - allowing sheep and cattle to be exported - extensive agriculture, abundant use of the Volga's rich fishing stocks, together with craft manufacture, with a diversification in lucrative returns from taxing international trade given its pivotal control of major trade routes. The Khazars constituted one of the two great furnishers of slaves to the Muslim market (the other being the Iranian Sâmânid amîrs), supplying it with captured Slavs and tribesmen from the Eurasian northlands.[75] It was profits from the latter which enabled it to maintain a standard army of Khwarezm Muslim troops. The capital Atil reflected the division: Kharazān on the western bank where the king and his Khazar elite, with a retinue of some 4,000 attendants, dwelt, and Itil proper to the East, inhabited by Jews, Christians, Muslims and slaves and by craftsmen and foreign merchants.[76] The ruling elite wintered in the city and spent from spring to late autumns in their fields. A large irrigated greenbelt, drawing on channels from the Volga river, lay outside the capital, where meadows and vineyards extended for some 20 farsakhs (ca. 60 miles?).[77] While customs duties were imposed on traders, and tribute and tithes were exacted from 25-30 tribes, with a levy of one sable skin, squirrel pelt, sword, dirham per hearth or ploughsare, or hides, wax, honey and livestock, depending on the zone. Trade disputes were handled by a commercial tribunal in Atil consisting of 7 judges, two for each of the monotheistic inhabitants (Jews, Muslims, Christians) and one for the pagans.[78]

语言

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Determining the origins and nature of the Khazars is closely bound with theories of their languages, but it is a matter of intricate difficulty since no indigenous records in the Khazar language survive, and the state itself was polyglot and polyethnic.[79] Whereas the royal or ruling elite probably spoke an eastern variety of Shaz Turkic, the subject tribes appear to have spoken varieties of Lir Turkic, such as Oğuric, a language variously identified with Bulğaric, Chuvash, and Hungarian (the latter based upon the assertion of the Persian historian al-Iṣṭakhrī that the Khazar language was different from any other known tongue).[80][81] One method for tracing their origins consists in analysis of the possible etymologies behind the ethnonym Khazar itself.

信仰

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腾格里

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Direct sources for Khazar religion are not many, but in all likelihood they originally practiced a traditional Turkic form of cultic practices known as Tengriism, which focused on the sky god Tengri. Something of its nature may be deduced from what we know of the rites and beliefs of contiguous tribes, such as the North Caucasian Huns. Horse sacrifices were made to this supreme deity. Rites involved offerings to fire, water, and the moon, to remarkable creatures, and to "gods of the road" (cf.Old Türk yol tengri, perhaps a god of fortune). Sun amulets were widespread as cultic ornaments. A tree cult was also maintained. Whatever was struck by lightning, man or object, was considered a sacrifice to the high god of heaven. The afterlife, to judge from excavations of aristocratic tumuli, was much a continuation of life on earth, warriors being interred with their weapons, horses, and sometimes with human sacrifices: the funeral of one tudrun in 711-12 saw 300 soldiers killed to accompany him to the otherworld. Ancestor worship was observed. The key religious figure appears to have been a shamanizing qam,[82] and it was these (qozmím) that were, according to the Khazar Hebrew conversion stories, driven out.

Many sources suggest, and a notable number of scholars have argued, that the charismatic Āshǐnà clan played a germinal role in the early Khazar state, though Zuckerman dismisses the widespread notion of their pivotal role as a 'phantom'. The Āshǐnà were closely associated with the Tengri cult, whose practices involved rites performed to assure a tribe of heaven's protective providence.[83] The qağan was deemed to rule by virtue of qut, "the heavenly mandate/good fortune to rule."[84]

犹太教

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The conversion of Khazars to Judaism is reported overwhelmingly by external sources and in the Khazar Correspondence, Hebrew documents whose authenticity was long doubted and challenged,[85] but specialists now widely accept them either as authentic or as reflecting internal Khazar traditions.[86][87][88][89] Archaeological evidence for conversion, on the other hand, remains elusive,[90] and may reflect either the incompleteness of excavations, or that the stratum of actual adherents was thin.[91] Conversion of steppe or peripheral tribes to a universal religion is fairly well attested phenomenon,[92] and the Khazar conversion to Judaism, though unusual, was not unique.[93][94] On Khazaria's southern flank, both Islam and Byzantine Christianity were proselytising great powers. Byzantine success in the north was sporadic, though Armenian and Albanian missions from Derbend built churches extensively in maritime Daghestan, then a Khazar district,[95] Buddhism also had exercised an attraction on leaders of both the Eastern (552-742) and Western Qağanates (552-659), the latter being the progenitor of the Khazar state.[96] In 682, according to the Armenian chronicle of Movsês Dasxuranc'i, the king of Caucasian Albania, Varaz Trdat, dispatched a bishop Israyêl to convert Caucasian "Huns" who were subject to the Khazars, and managed to bring Alp Ilut'uêr, a son-in-law of the Khazar qağan, and his army, to abandon their shamanizing cults and join the Christian fold.[97][98] The Arab Georgian martyr St Abo who converted to Christianity within the Khazar kingdom around 779-80, describes local Khazars as irreligious.[99] Some reports register a Christian majority at Samandar,[100] or Muslim majorities[101] in various areas of Khazaria. Also Jews from both the Islamic world and Byzantium are known to have migrated to Khazaria during periods of persecution under Heraclius, Justinian II, Leo III, and Romanus Lakapēnos.[102][103] The pattern is one of an elite conversion preceding large-scale adoption of the new religion by the general population, which often resisted the imposition.[96] One important condition for mass conversion was a settled urban state, where churches, synagogues or mosques provided a focus for religion, as opposed to the free nomadic lifestyle of life on the open steppes.[104] A tradition of the Iranian Judeo-Tats claims that their ancestors were responsible for the Khazar conversion.[105]

Both the date of the conversion, and the extent of its influence beyond the elite,[106] often minimized in scholarship,[107] are a matter of dispute,[108] but at some point between 740 CE and 920 CE, the Khazar royalty and nobility appear to have converted to Judaism, in part, it is argued, perhaps to deflect competing pressures from Arabs and Byzantines to accept either Islam or Orthodoxy.[109][110] Christian of Stavelot in his Expositio in Matthaeum Evangelistam (ca.860-870s) refers to them as descendants of Gog and Magog, who were circumcised and observed all the laws of Judaism.[111] New numismatic evidence of coins dated 837/8 bearing the inscriptions arḍ al-ḫazar (Land of the Khazars), or Mûsâ rasûl Allâh (Moses the messenger of God, in imitation of the Islamic coin phrase: Muḥammad rasûl Allâh) suggest to many the conversion took place in that decade.[112] Olsson argues that the 837/8 evidence marks only the beginning of a long and difficult official Judaization that concluded some decades later.[113] Another view holds that by the 10th century, while the royal clan officially claimed Judaism, a non-normative variety of Islamisation took place among the majority of Khazars.[114]

By the 10th century, the letter of King Joseph asserts that, after the royal conversion, "Israel returned (yashuvu yisra'el) with the people of Qazaria (to Judaism) in complete repentance (bi-teshuvah shelemah).[115] Persian historian Ibn al-Faqîh wrote that 'all the Khazars are Jews, but they have been Judaized recently'. Ibn Fadlân, based on his Caliphal mission (921-922) to the Volga Bulğars, also reported that 'the core element of the state, the Khazars, were Judaized',[116] something underwritten by the Qaraite scholar Ya'kub Qirqisânî around 937.[117] The conversion appears to have occurred against a background of frictions arising from both an intensification of Byzantine missionary activity in from the Crimea to the Caucasus, and Arab attempts to wrest control over the latter in the 8th century CE,[118] and a revolt, put down, by the Khavars around the mid-9th century is often invoked as in part influenced by their refusal to accept Judaism.[119] Modern scholars generally[120] see the conversion as a slow process through three stages, which accords with Richard Eaton's model of syncretic inclusion, gradual identification and, finally, displacement of the older tradition.[121][122]

Some time between 954 and 961, Ḥasdai ibn Shaprūṭ wrote a letter of inquiry addressed to the ruler of Khazaria, and received a reply from Joseph of Khazaria. The exchanges of this Khazar Correspondence, together with the Schechter Letter discovered in the Cairo Geniza and the famous platonizing dialogue[123] by Judah Halevi, Sefer ha-Kuzari ('The Khazar'), which plausibly drew on such sources,[124][125] provide us with the only direct evidence of the indigenous traditions[126] concerning the conversion. King Bulan[127] is said to have driven out the sorcerers,[128] and to have received angelic visitations exhorting him to find the true religion, upon which, accompanied by his vizier, he travelled to desert mountains of Warsān on a seashore, where he came across a cave in which Jews used to celebrate the Sabbath. Here he was circumcised.[129] Bulan is then said to have convened a royal debate between exponents of the three Abrahamic religions. He decided to convert when he was convinced of Judaism's superiority. Many scholars situate this c. 740CE, a date supported by Halevi's own account.[130][131] The details are both Judaic [132] and Türkic: a Türkic ethnogonic myth speaks of an ancestral cave in which the Āshǐnà were conceived from the mating of their human ancestor and a wolf ancestress.[133][134][135] These accounts suggest that there was a rationalizing syncretism of native pagan traditions with Jewish law, by melding through the motif of the cave, a site of ancestral ritual and repository of forgotten sacred texts, Türkic myths of origin and Jewish notions of redemption of Israel's fallen people.[136] It is generally agreed they adopted Rabbinical rather than Qaraite Judaism.[137]

Ibn Fadlan reports that the settlement of disputes in Khazaria was adjudicated by judges hailing each from his community, be it Christian, Jewish, Muslim, or Pagan.[138] Some evidence suggests that the Khazar king saw himself as a defender of Jews even beyond the kingdom's frontiers, retaliating against Muslim or Christian interests in Khazaria in the wake of Islamic and Byzantine persecutions of Jews abroad.[139][140] Ibn Fadlan recounts specifically an incident in which the king of Khazaria destroyed the minaret of a mosque in Atil as revenge for the destruction of a synagogue in Dâr al-Bâbûnaj, and allegedly said he would have done worse were it not for a fear that the Muslims might retaliate in turn against Jews.[137][141] Ḥasdai ibn Shaprūṭ sought information on Khazaria in the hope he might discover 'a place on this earth where harassed Israel can rule itself' and wrote that, were it to prove true that Khazaria had such a king, he would not hesitate to forsake his high office and his family in order to emigrate there.[142]

Abraham Harkavy [143] noted in 1877 that an Arabic commentary on Isaiah 48:14, variously ascribed to Saadia Gaon or to the Karaite scholar Benjamin Nahâwandî, interpreted "The Lord hath loved him" as a reference "to the Khazars, who will go and destroy Babel" (i.e., Babylonia), a name used to designate the country of the Arabs. This has been taken as an indication of hopes by Persian Jews that the Khazars might overthrow the caliphate.[144][来源请求]

In 965, as the Qağanate was struggling against the victorious campaign of the Rus' prince Sviatislav, the Islamic historian Ibn al-Athîr mentions that Khazaria, attacked by the Oğuz, sought help from Khwarezm, but their appeal was rejected because they were regarded as 'infidals' (al-kuffâr:pagans). Save for the king, the Khazarians are said to have converted to Islam in order to secure an alliance, and the Turks were, with Khwarezm's military assistance repelled. It was this that, according to Ibn al-Athîr, led the Jewish king of Khazar to convert to Islam.[145]

与拜占庭

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Byzantine diplomatic policy towards the steppe peoples generally consisted of encouraging them to fight among themselves. The Pechenegs provided great assistance to the Byzantines in the 9th century in exchange for regular payments.[146] Byzantium also sought alliances with the Göktürks against common enemies: in the early 7th century, one such alliance was brokered with the Western Tűrks against the Persian Sassanids in the Byzantine–Sassanid War of 602–628. The Byzantines called Khazaria Tourkía', and by the 9th. century refers to the Khazars as 'Turks'.[147] During the period leading up to and after the siege of Constantinople in 626, Heraclius sought help via emissaries, and eventually personally, from a Göktürk chieftain[148] of the Western Tűrkic Qağanate, Tong Yabghu Qağan, in Tiflis, plying him with gifts and the promise of marriage to his daughter, Epiphania.[149] Tong Yabghu responded by sending a large force to ravage the Persian empire, marking the start of the Third Perso-Turkic War.[150] A joint Byzantine-Tűrk operation breached the Caspian gates and sacked Derbent in 627. Together they then besieged Tiflis, where the Byzantines used traction trebuchets (ἑλέπόλεις) to breach the walls, one of their first known uses by the Byzantines.[来源请求] After the campaign, Tong Yabghu is reported, perhaps with some exaggeration, to have left some 40,000 troops behind with Heraclius.[151] Though occasionally identified with Khazars, the Göktürk identification is more probable since the Khazars only emerged from that group after the fragmentation of the former sometime after 630.[35] Sassanid Persia never recovered from the devastating defeat wrought by this invasion.[152]

可萨汗国和周边国家于约820年(深蓝色区域表示可萨人直接控制的区域,势力范围为紫色)。

Once the Khazars emerged as a power, the Byzantines also began to form alliances, dynastic and military, with them. In 695, the last Heraclian emperor, Justinian II, nicknamed the slit-nosed (ὁ ῥινότμητος) after he was mutilated and deposed, was exiled to Cherson in the Crimea, where a Khazar governor (tudun) presided. He escaped into Khazar territory in 704 or 705 and was given asylum by qağan Busir Glavan (Ἰβουζήρος Γλιαβάνος), who gave him his sister in marriage, perhaps in response to an offer by Justinian who may have thought a dynastic marriage would seal by kinship a powerful tribal support for his attempts to regain the throne.[153] The Khazarian spouse thereupon changed her name to Theodora.[154] Busir was offered a bribe by the Byzantine usurper, Tiberius III, to kill Justinian. Warned by Theodora, Justinian escaped, murdering two Khazar officials in the process. He fled to Bulgaria, whose Khan Tervel helped him regain the throne. Upon his reinstallment, and despite Busir's treachery during his exile, he sent for Theodora; Busir complied, and she was crowned as Augusta, suggesting that both prized the alliance.[155]

Decades later, Leo III (ruled 717-741) made a similar alliance to coordinate strategy against a common enemy, the Muslim Arabs. He sent an embassy to the Khazar qağan Bihar and married his son, the future Constantine V (ruled 741-775), to Bihar's daughter, a princess referred to as Tzitzak, in 732. On converting to Christianity, she took the name Irene. Constantine and Irene had a son, the future Leo IV (775-780), who thereafter bore the sobriquet, "the Khazar".[156][157] Leo died in mysterious circumstances after his Athenian wife bore him a son, Constantine VI, who on his majority co-ruled with his mother, the dowager. He proved unpopular, and his death ended the dynastic link of the Khazars to the Byzantine throne.[来源请求] By the 8th century, Khazars dominated the Crimea (650-c.950), and even extended their influence into the Byzantine peninsula of Cherson until it was wrested back in the 10th century.[158] Khazar and Farghânian (Φάργανοι) mercenaries constituted part of the imperial Byzantine Hetaireia bodyguard after its formation in 840, a position that could openly be purchased by a payment of 7 pounds of gold.[159][160]

阿拉伯–可萨战争

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During the 7th and 8th centuries, the Khazars fought a series of wars against the Umayyad Caliphate and its Abbasid successor. The First Arab-Khazar War began during the first phase of Muslim expansion. By 640, Muslim forces had reached Armenia; in 642 they launched their first raid across the Caucasus under Abd ar-Rahman ibn Rabiah. In 652 Arab forces advanced on the Khazar capital, Balanjar, but were defeated, suffering heavy losses; according to Arab historians such as al-Tabari, both sides in the battle used catapaults against the opposing troops. A number of Russian sources give the name of a Khazar khagan from this period as Irbis and describe him as a scion of the Göktürk royal house, the Ashina. Whether Irbis ever existed is open to debate, as is whether he can be identified with one of the many Göktürk rulers of the same name.

Due to the outbreak of the First Muslim Civil War and other priorities, the Arabs refrained from repeating an attack on the Khazars until the early 8th century.[161] The Khazars launched a few raids into Transcaucasian principalities under Muslim dominion, including a large-scale raid in 683–685 during the Second Muslim Civil War that rendered much booty and many prisoners.[162] There is evidence from the account of al-Tabari that the Khazars formed a united front with the remnants of the Göktürks in Transoxiana.

高加索地区,约750年

The Second Arab-Khazar War began with a series of raids across the Caucasus in the early 8th century. The Umayyads tightened their grip on Armenia in 705 after suppressing a large-scale rebellion. In 713 or 714, Umayyad general Maslamah conquered Derbent and drove deeper into Khazar territory. The Khazars launched raids in response into Albania and Iranian Azerbaijan but were driven back by the Arabs under Hasan ibn al-Nu'man.[163] The conflict escalated in 722 with an invasion by 30,000 Khazars into Armenia inflicting a crushing defeat. Caliph Yazid II responded, sending 25,000 Arab troops north, swiftly driving the Khazars back across the Caucasus, recovering Derbent, and advancing on Balanjar. The Arabs broke through the Khazar defense and stormed the city; most of its inhabitants were killed or enslaved, but a few managed to flee north.[162] Despite their success, the Arabs had not yet defeated the Khazar army, and they retreated south of the Caucasus.

In 724, Arab general al-Jarrah ibn Abdallah al-Hakami inflicted a crushing defeat on the Khazars in a long battle between the rivers Cyrus and Araxes, then moved on to capture Tiflis, bringing Caucasian Iberia under Muslim suzerainty. The Khazars struck back in 726, led by a prince named Barjik, launching a major invasion of Albania and Azerbaijan; by 729, the Arabs had lost control of northeastern Transcaucasia and were thrust again into the defensive. In 730, Barjik invaded Iranian Azerbaijan and defeated Arab forces at Ardabil, killing the general al-Djarrah al-Hakami and briefly occupying the town. Barjik was defeated and killed the next year at Mosul, where he directed Khazar forces from a throne mounted with al-Djarrah's severed head. Arab armies led first by the prince Maslamah ibn Abd al-Malik and then by Marwan ibn Muhammad (later Caliph Marwan II) poured across the Caucasus and in 737 defeated a Khazar army led by Hazer Tarkhan, briefly occupying Atil itself. The Qağan was forced to accept terms involving conversion to Islam, and to subject himself to the Caliphate, but the accommodation was short-lived as a combination of internal instability among the Umayyads and Byzantine support undid the agreement within three years, and the Khazars re-asserted their independence.[164] The adoption of Judaism by the Khazars, which in this theory would have taken place around 740, may have been part of this re-assertion of independence.

Whatever the impact of Marwan's campaigns, warfare between the Khazars and the Arabs ceased for more than two decades after 737. Arab raids continued until 741, but their control in the region was limited as maintaining a large garrison at Derbent further depleted the already overstretched army. A third Muslim civil war soon broke out, leading to the Abbasid Revolution and the fall of the Umayyad dynasty in 750.

In 758, the Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur attempted to strengthen diplomatic ties with the Khazars, ordering Yazid ibn Usayd al-Sulami, one of his nobles and the military governor of Armenia, to take a royal Khazar bride. Yazid married a daughter of Khazar Khagan Baghatur, but she died inexplicably, possibly in childbirth. Her attendants returned home, convinced that some Arab faction had poisoned her, and her father was enraged. Khazar general Ras Tarkhan invaded south of the Caucasus in 762–764, devastating Albania, Armenia, and Iberia, and capturing Tiflis. Thereafter relations became increasingly cordial between the Khazars and the Abbasids, whose foreign policies were generally less expansionist than the Umayyads, broken only by a series of raids in 799 over another failed marriage alliance.

罗斯兴起与可萨汗国崩溃

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黑海地区商路,8-11世纪

By the 9th century, groups of Varangian Rus', developing a powerful warrior-merchant system, began probing south down the waterways controlled by the Khazars and their protectorate, the Volga Bulgarians, partially in pursuit of the Arab silver which flowed north for hoarding through the Khazarian-Volga Bulgarian trading zones,[165] partially to trade in furs and ironwork.[166] Northern mercantile fleets passing Atil were tithed, as they were at Byzantine Cherson.[167] Their presence may have prompted the formation of a Rus' state by convincing the Slavs, Merja and the Chud' to unite to protect common interests against Khazarian exactions of tribute. It is often argued that a Rus' Khaganate modelled on the Khazarian state had formed to the east, and that the Varangian chieftain of the coalition appropriated the title of qağan (khagan) as early as the 830s: the title survived to denote the princes of Kievan Rus', whose capital, Kiev, is often associated with a Khazarian foundation.[168][169][170][171] The construction of the Sarkel fortress, with technical assistance from Khazaria's Byzantine ally at the time, together with the minting of an autonomous Khazar coinage around the 830s may have been a defensive measure against emerging threats from Varangians to the north and from the Magyars on the eastern steppe.[172][173] By 860, the Rus' had penetrated as far as Kiev and, via the Dnieper, Constantinople.[174]

萨克尔的可萨城堡遗址(航拍图来自由米哈伊尔·阿尔塔莫诺夫英语Mikhail Artamonov于1930年代的挖掘。

Alliances often shifted. Byzantium, threatened by Varangian Rus raiders, would assist Khazaria, and Khazaria at times allowed the northerners to pass through their territory in exchange for a portion of the booty.[175] From the beginning of the 10th century, the Khazars found themselves fighting on multiple fronts as nomadic incursions were exacerbated by uprisings by former clients and invasions from former allies. The pax Khazarica was caught in a pincer movement between steppe Pechenegs and the strengthing of an emergent Rus' power to the north, both undermining Khazaria'ìs tributary empire.[176] According to the Schechter Text, the Khazar ruler King Benjamin, ca.880-890 fought a battle against the allied forces of five lands whose moves were perhaps encouraged by Byzantium[177] Though Benjamin was victorious, his son Aaron II faced another invasion, this time led by the Alans, whose leader had converted to Christianity and entered into an alliance with Byzantium, which, under Leo VI the Wise, encouraged them against the Khazars.

By the 880s, Khazar control of the Middle Dnieper from Kiev, where they collected tribute from Eastern Slavic tribes, began to wane as Oleg of Novgorod wrested control of the city from the Varangian warlords Askold and Dir, and embarked on what was to prove to be the foundation of a Rus' empire.[178] The Khazars had initially allowed the Rus' to use the trade route along the Volga River, and raid southwards. According to al-Masudi, the qağan is said to have given his assent on the condition that the Rus' give him half of the booty.[175] In 913, however, two years after Byzantium concluded a peace treaty with the Rus' (911), A Varangian foray, with Khazar connivance, through Arab lands led to a request to the Khazar throne by the Khwârazmian Islamic guard for permission to retaliate against the large Rus' contingent on its return. The purpose was to revenge the violence the Rus' razzia had inflicted on their fellow Muslim believers.[179] The Rus' force was thoroughly routed and massacred.[175] The Khazar rulers closed the passage down the Volga to the Rus', sparking a war. In the early 960s, Khazar ruler Joseph wrote to Hasdai ibn Shaprut about the deterioration of Khazar relations with the Rus': 'I protect the mouth of the river (Itil-Volga) and prevent the Rus arriving in their ships from setting off by sea against the Ishmaelites and (equally) all (their) enemies from setting off by land to Bab. '[180]

基辅的斯维亚托斯拉夫一世(在舟上),可萨汗国的毁灭者[181]

The Rus' warlords launched several wars against the Khazar Qağanate, and raided down to the Caspian sea. The Schechter Letter relates the story of a campaign against Khazaria by HLGW (recently identified as Oleg of Chernigov) around 941 in which Oleg was defeated by the Khazar general Pesakh.[182] The Khazar alliance with the Byzantine empire began to collapse in the early 10th century. Byzantine and Khazar forces may have clashed in the Crimea, and by the 940s emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus was speculating in De Administrando Imperio about ways in which the Khazars could be isolated and attacked. The Byzantines during the same period began to attempt alliances with the Pechenegs and the Rus', with varying degrees of success. Sviatoslav I finally succeeded in destroying Khazar imperial power in the 960s, in a circular sweep that overwhelmed the Khazar fortresses like Sarkel and Tamatarkha, reached as far as the Caucasian Kassogians/Circassians and then back to Kiev.[183] Sarkel fell in 965, with the capital city of Atil following, c. 968 or 969.

In the Russian chronicle the vanquishing of the Khazar traditions is associated with Vladimir's conversion in 986.[184] According to the Primary Chronicle, in 986 Khazar Jews were present at Vladimir's disputation to decide on the prospective religion of the Kievian Rus'.[来源请求] Whether these were Jews who had settled in Kiev or emissaries from some Jewish Khazar remnant state is unclear. Conversion to one of the faiths of the people of Scripture was a precondition to any peace treaty with the Arabs, whose Bulgar envoys had arrived in Kiev after 985.[145]

A visitor to Atil wrote soon after the sacking of the city that its vineyards and garden had been razed, that not a grape or raisin remained in the land, and not even alms for the poor were available.[185] An attempt to rebuilt may have been undertaken, since Ibn Hawqal and al-Muqaddasi refer to it after that date, but by Al-Biruni's time (1048) it was in ruins[186]

后果:影响、衰落和扩散

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Though Poliak argued that the Khazar kingdom did not wholly succumb to Sviatislav's campaign, but lingered on until 1224, when the Mongols invaded Rus',[187][188] by most accounts, the Rus'-Oghuz campaigns left Khazaria devastated, with perhaps many Khazarian Jews in flight,[189] and leaving behind at best a minor rump state. It left little trace, except for some placenames,[190] and much of its population was undoubtedly absorbed in successor hordes.[191]Al-Muqaddasi, writing ca.985, mentions Khazar beyond the Caspian sea as a district of 'woe and squalor', with honey, many sheep and Jews.[192] Kedrenos mentions a joint Rus'-Byzantine attack on Khazaria in 1016, which defeated its ruler Georgius Tzul. The name suggests Christian affiliations. The account concludes by saying, that after Tzul's defeat, the Khazar ruler of "upper Media", Senaccherib, had to sue for peace and submission.[193] In 1024 Mstislav of Chernigov (one of Vladimir's sons) marched against his brother Yaroslav with an army that included "Khazars and Kassogians" in a repulsed attempt to restore a kind of 'Khazarian'-type dominion over Kiev.[183]Ibn al-Athir's mention of a 'raid of Faḍlūn the Kurd against the Khazars' in 1030 CE, in which 10,000 of his men were vanquished by the latter, has been taken (by ) as a reference such a Khazar remnant, but Barthold identified this Faḍlūn as Faḍl ibn Muḥammad and the 'Khazars' as either Georgians or Abkhazians.[194][195] A Kievian prince named Oleg, grandson of Jaroslav was reportedly kidnapped by "Khazars" in 1079 and shipped off to Constantinople, although most scholars believe that this is a reference to the Kipchaks or other steppe peoples then dominant in the Pontic region. Upon his conquest of Tmutarakan in the 1080s Oleg Sviatoslavich, son of a prince of Chernigov, gave himself the title "Archon of Khazaria".[183] 1083 Oleg is said to have revenged himself on the Khazars after his brother Roman was killed by their allies, the Polovtsi/Cumans. After one more conflict with these Polovtsi in 1106, the Khazars fade from history.[193]

By the end of the 12th century, Petachiah of Ratisbon reported traveling through what he called "Khazaria", and had little to remark on other than describing its minim (sectaries) living amidst desolation in perpetual mourning.[196] The reference seems to be to Karaites.[197] The Franciscan missionary William of Rubruck likewise found in the lower Volga area where Ital once lay only impoverished pastures.[77] Giovanni di Plano Carpini, the papal legate to the court of the Mongol Khan Guyuk at that time, mentioned an otherwise unattested Jewish tribe, the Brutakhi, perhaps in the Volga region. Though connections are made to the Khazars, the link is based merely on a common attribution of Judaism.[198]

东欧大草原,于约1015年( 色区域可能仍在可萨控制下)。

The 10th century Zoroastrian Dênkart registered the collapse of Khazar power in attributing its eclipse to the enfeebling effects of 'false' religion.[199] The decline was contemporary to that suffered by the Transoxiana Sāmānid empire to the east, both events paving the way for the rise of the Great Seljuq Empire, whose founding traditions mention Khazar connections.[200][201] Whatever successor entity survived, it could not longer function as a bulwark against the pressure east and south of nomad expansions. By 1043, Kimeks and Qipchaqs, thrusting westwards, pressured the Oğuz, who in turn pushed the Pechenegs west towards Byzantium's Balkan provinces.[202]

Khazaria nonetheless left its mark on the rising states and some of their traditions and institutions. Much earlier, Tzitzak, the Khazar wife of Leo III introduced into the Byzantine court the distinctive kaftan or riding habit of the nomadic Khazars, the tzitzakion (τζιτζάκιον), and this was adopted as a solemn element of imperial dress.[203] The orderly hierarchical system of succession by 'scales' (lestvichnaia sistema:лествичная система) to the Grand Principate of Kiev was arguably modeled on Khazar institutions, via the example of the Rus' Khaganate.[204]

The proto-Hungarian Pontic tribe, while perhaps threatening Khazaria as early as 839 (Sarkel), developed its institutional models, such as the dual rule of a ceremonial kende-kündü and a gyula administering practical and military administration, under Khazar tutelage. A dissident group of Khazars, the Qabars, joined the Hungarians in their flight from the Pechenegs as they moved into Pannonia. Elements within the Hungarian population can be viewed as perpetuating Khazar traditions as a successor state. Byzantine sources refer to Hungary as Western Tourkia in contrast to Khazaria, Eastern Tourkia. The gyula line produced the kings of medieval Hungary through descent from Árpád, while the Qabars retained their traditions longer, and were known as "black Hungarians" (fekete magyarság). Some archeological evidence from Čelarevo suggests the Qabars practiced Judaism[205][206][207] since warrior graves with Jewish symbols were found there, including menorahs, shofars, etrogs, lulavs, candlesnuffers, ash collectors, inscriptions in Hebrew, and a six-pointed star identical to the Star of David.[208][209]

Seal discovered in excavations at Khazar sites, whose symbolic significance is uncertain.[210]

The Khazar state was the only Jewish state to rise between the Fall of the Second Temple (67-70 CE) and the establishment of Israel (1948),[211] and its example stimulated messianic aspirations for a return to Israel as early as Judah Halevi.[212] In the time of the Egyptian vizier Al-Afdal Shahanshah (d.1121), one Solomon ben Duji, often identified as a Khazarian Jew,[213] attempted to stir up a messianic crusade for the liberation of, and return of all Jews to, Palestine. He wrote to many Jewish communities to enlist support. He eventually moved to Kurdistan where his son Menachem some decades later assumed the title of Messiah and, raising an army for this purpose, took the fortress of Amadiya north of Mosul. His project was opposed by the rabbinical authorities and he was poisoned in his sleep. One theory maintains that the Star of David, until then a decorative motif or magical emblem, began to assume its national value in late Jewish tradition from its earlier symbolic use in Menachem's crusade.[214]

The word Khazar, as an ethnonym, was last used in the 13th century by a people in the North Caucasus believed to practice Judaism.[215] The nature of a hypothetical Khazar diaspora, Jewish or otherwise, is disputed. Avraham ibn Daud mentions encountering rabbinical students descended from Khazars as far away as Toledo, Spain in the 1160s.[216] Khazar communities persisted here and there. Many Khazar mercenaries served in the armies of the Islamic Caliphates and other states. Documents from medieval Constantinople attest to a Khazar community mingled with the Jews of the suburb of Pera.[217] and Khazar merchants were active in both Constantinople and Alexandria in the 12th. century.[218]

Khazar origins for, or suggestions Khazars were absorbed by many peoples, have been made regarding the Slavic Judaising Subbotniks, the Bukharan Jews, the Muslim Kumyks, Kazakhs, Nogais,[来源请求] the Cossacks of the Don region, the Turkic-speaking Krymchak Jews and the and their Crimean neighbours the Karaites to the Moldavian Csángós, the Mountain Jews and others.[219][220][221] Turkic-speaking Karaites (in the Crimean Tatar language, Qaraylar) from Crimea to Poland and Lithuania have claimed Khazar origins. Specialists in Khazar history question the connection,[222][223] Scholarship is likewise sceptical of claims that the Tatar-speaking Krymchak Jews of the Crimea descend from Khazars.[224]

A popular, if in academic terms minoritarian, thesis holds that the Khazar Jewish population went into a northern diaspora and had a significant impact on the rise of Ashkenazi Jews. Connected to this thesis is the theory, expounded by Paul Wexler, that the grammar of Yiddish contains a Khazar substrate.[225]

阿什肯纳兹-可萨理论

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一些学者认为可萨人在他们的帝国解体后并未消失,而是向西迁移最终成为了欧洲阿什肯纳兹犹太人的核心部分之一。多数学者对这个假说持质疑或保留态度[226][227]

1846年俄国东方学者瓦西里·瓦西里耶维奇·格里戈里耶夫(英语:Vasily Vasilyevich Grigoryev)提出克里米亚卡拉伊姆人英语Crimean Karaites是可萨人的残余的理论,外人很快采纳了这个断言,即使当时他们自己并不了解卡拉伊姆人[228]。之后亚伯拉罕·哈卡维英语Abraham Harkavy在1869年提出可萨人和欧洲犹太人之间可能有关联[229]。不过可萨人转化为阿什肯纳兹的主要部分的理论最早为西方公众所知是在1883年欧内斯特·勒南的一次讲话上[230][231]。在约瑟夫·雅各布斯英语Joseph Jacobs(1886)、反犹评论家李洛华-鲍柳英语Henri Jean Baptiste Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu(1893)[232]Maksymilian Ernest Gumplowicz波兰语Maksymilian Gumplowicz[233]和俄罗斯犹太人类学家Samuel Weissenberg[234]的著作中偶尔会提出东欧犹太人的构成中包含有少部分可萨人。

在1909年雨果·冯·库切拉(英语:Hugo von Kutschera)把这一观念发展为一项书本长度的研究,[235]主张可萨人构成了现代阿什肯纳兹人的核心基础[236]。1911年莫里斯·费雪柏格英语Maurice Fishberg对美国读者引进了这一观点[237]。The idea was also taken up by the Polish-Jewish economic historian and General Zionist Yitzhak Schipper in 1918[238][239] and by scholarly anthropologists, such as Roland B. Dixon (1923), and by writers like H. G. Wells (1921) who used it to argue that "The main part of Jewry never was in Judea",[240][241] a thesis that was to have a political echo in later opinion.[242][243] In 1932, Samuel Krauss ventured the theory that the biblical Ashkenaz referred to northern Asia Minor, and identified it with the Khazars, a position immediately disputed by Jacob Mann.[244] Ten years later, in 1942, Abraham N. Poliak, later professor for the history of the Middle Ages at Tel Aviv University, published a Hebrew monograph in which he concluded that the East European Jews came from Khazaria.[245][246] D.M. Dunlop, writing in 1954, thought very little evidence backed what he regarded as a mere assumption, and argued that the Ashkenazi-Khazar descent theory went far beyond what our imperfect records permit.[247] Léon Poliakov, while assuming the Jews of Western Europe resulted from a "panmixia" in the Ist millennium, asserted in 1955 that it was widely assumed that Europe's Eastern Jews descended from a mixture of Khazarian and German Jews.[248] Poliak's work found some support in Salo Wittmayer Baron and Ben-Zion Dinur,[249][250] but was dismissed by Bernard Weinryb as a fiction (1962).[251]

The Khazar-Ashkenazi hypothesis came to the attention of a much wider public with the publication of Arthur Koestler's The Thirteenth Tribe in 1976.[252] which was both positively reviewed and dismissed as a fantasy, and a somewhat dangerous one. Israel's ambassador to Britain branded it 'an anti-Semitic action financed by the Palestinians,' while Bernard Lewis claimed that the idea was not supported by any evidence whatsoever, and had been abandoned by all serious scholars.[252][253] Raphael Patai, however, registered some support for the idea that Khazar remnants had played a role in the growth of Eastern European Jewish communities,[254] and several amateur researchers, such as Boris Altschüler (1994)[222] and Kevin Alan Brook,[255] kept the thesis in the public eye. The theory has been occasionally manipulated to deny Jewish nationhood.[252][256] Recently, a variety of approaches, from linguistics (Paul Wexler)[257] to historiography (Shlomo Sand)[258] and population genetics (Eran Elhaik [1] a geneticist from the University of Sheffield)[259] has revived support for and interest in the theory. In broad academic perspective, both the idea that the Khazars converted en masse to Judaism, and the suggestion they emigrated to form the core population of Ashkenazi Jewry, remain highly polemical issues.[260]

在反犹辩论中

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莫里斯·费雪柏格和Roland B Dixon's的著作之后在不列颠的英以主义英语British Israelism中和美国被利用在争论种族主义和宗教的文学作品[261],特别是在Burton J. HendrickThe Jews in America (1923)出版之后[262]。在1920年代开始盛行诸如鼓吹移民入境限制者、种族理论家[263]洛斯罗普·斯托达德、反犹阴谋论者如三K党海勒姆·韦斯利·埃文斯英语Hiram Wesley Evans、反共产辩论家像John O. Beaty[264]和Wilmot Robertson,他们的观点影响了大卫·杜克英语David Duke[265]。According to Yehoshafat Harkabi (1968) and others,[266] it played a role in Arab anti-Zionist polemics, and took on an anti-semitic edge. Bernard Lewis, noting in 1987 that Arab scholars had dropped it, remarked that it only occasionally emerged in Arab political discourse.[267] It has also played some role in Soviet anti-semitic chauvinism[268] and Slavic Eurasian historiography, particularly in the works of scholars like Lev Gumilev.[269] Although the Khazar hypothesis never played any major role in anti-semitism,[270][271] and though the existence of a Jewish kingdom north of the Caucasus had formerly long been denied by Christian religious commentators,[272] it came to be exploited by the White supremicist Christian movement [273] and even by terrorist esoteric cults like Aum Shinrikyō.[274]

遗传研究

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The hypothesis of Khazarian ancestry in Ashkenazi has also been a subject of discussion in the new field of population genetics, wherein claims have been made concerning evidence both for and against it. The general conclusion is that, if traces of descent from Khazars exist in the Ashkenazi gene pool, the contribution would be quite minor,[275][276][277][278][279] or insignificant.[280]

Eran Elhaik argued in 2012 for a significant Khazar component in the paternal line based on the study of Y-DNA of Ashkenazi Jews, using Caucasian populations, Georgians, Armenians and Azerbaijani Jews as proxies.[259]

According to Nadia Abu El-Haj, the issues of origins are generally complicated by the difficulties of writing history via genome studies and the biases of emotional investments in different narratives, depending on whether the emphasis lies on direct descent or on conversion within Jewish history. The lack of Khazar DNA samples that might allow verification also present difficulties.[281]

在文学中

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The Kuzari is an influential work written by the medieval Spanish Jewish philosopher and poet Rabbi Yehuda Halevi (c. 1075–1141). Divided into five essays (ma'amarim), it takes the form of a fictional dialogue between the pagan king of the Khazars and a Jew who was invited to instruct him in the tenets of the Jewish religion. The intent of the work, although based on Ḥasdai ibn Shaprūṭ's correspondence with the Khazar king, was not historical, but rather to defend Judaism as a revealed religion, written in the context, firstly of Karaite challenges to the Spanish rabbinical intelligentsia, and then against temptations to adapt Aristotelianism and Islamic philosophy to the Jewish faith.[282] Originally written in Arabic, it was translated into Hebrew by Judah ibn Tibbon).[123] Benjamin Disraeli's early novel Alroy (1833) draws on Menachem ben Solomon's story.[283] The question of mass religious conversion and the indeterminability of the truth of stories about identity and conversion are central themes of Milorad Pavić's bestselling mystery story Dictionary of the Khazars.[284] H.N. Turteltaub's Justinian, Marek Halter's Book of Abraham and Wind of the Khazars, and Michael Chabon's Gentlemen of the Road allude to or feature elements of Khazar history or create fictional Khazar characters.[285]

与可萨人相关的城市

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阿得水Khazaran, Samandar; in the Caucasus, Balanjar, Kazarki, Sambalut, and Samiran; in Crimea and the Taman region, Kerch, Theodosia, (modern Güzliev), Samkarsh (also called Tmutarakan, Tamatarkha), and Sudak. In the Don valley Sarkel. A number of Khazar settlements have been discovered in the Mayaki-Saltovo region. Some scholars suppose that the Khazar settlement of Sambat on the Dnieper refers to the later Kiev.[286]

参见

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注释

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  1. ^ Wexler 1996,第50页
  2. ^ Brook,第107页
  3. ^ Herlihy 1972,第136–148页;Russell1972,第25–71页.This figure has been calculated on the basis of the data in both Herlihy and Russell's work.
  4. ^ Luttwak 2009,第152页.'Khazars (Hebrew:Kuzarim).'
  5. ^ Meserve 2009,第294, n.164页.
  6. ^ Golden 2007b,第139页.'The Gazari are, presumably, the Khazars, though this term or the Kozary of the perhaps near contemporary Vita Constantini . . could have reflected any of a number of peoples within Khazaria.'
  7. ^ Judah Halevi's Sefer ha-Kuzari was translated into Latin as Liber Cosri: continens colloquium seu disputationem de religione, habitam ante nongentos annos, inter regem cosarreorum, & R. Isaacum Sangarum Judæum.(1660)
  8. ^ Golden 2001a,第33页.'Somewhat later, however, in a letter to the Byzantine Emperor Basil I, dated to 871, Louis the German, clearly taking exception to what had apparently become Byzantine usage, declares that 'we have not found that the leader of the Avars, or Khazars (Gasanorum),'
  9. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第255页
  10. ^ Sneath 2007,第25页
  11. ^ Noonan 1999,第493页.
  12. ^ Golden 2011,第65页.
  13. ^ Noonan 1999,第498页
  14. ^ Noonan 1999,第499,502–3页.
  15. ^ Golden 2007a,第28页
  16. ^ Golden 2007a,第15页
  17. ^ Golden 2007a,第16 and n.38页 citing L. Bazin, 'Pour une nouvelle hypothèse sur l'origine des Khazar,' in Materialia Turcica, 7/8 (1981–1982): 51-71.
  18. ^ Golden 2007a,第16页.Compare Tibetan dru-gu Gesar (the Turk Gesar).
  19. ^ Dunlop 1954,第34–40页
  20. ^ Golden 2007a,第16页
  21. ^ Golden 2007a,第17页.Kěsà (可萨) would have been pronounced something like kha'sat in both Early Middle Chinese/EMC and Late Middle Chinese/LMC while Hésà (曷萨) would yield γat-sat in (EMC) and xɦat sat (LMC) respectively, where final 't' often transcribes –r- in foreign words. Thus, while these Chinese forms could transcribe a foreign word of the type *Kasar/*Kazar, *Gatsar,*Gazr,*Gasar, there is a problem phonetically with assimilating these to the Uyğur word Qasar/ Gesa (EMC/LMC Kat-sat= Kar sar=*Kasar).
  22. ^ Shirota 2005,第235,248页.
  23. ^ Brook 2010,第5页
  24. ^ Golden 2007b,第148页: Ibn al-Nadīm commenting on script systems in 987-8 recorded that the Khazars wrote in Hebrew.
  25. ^ Erdal 2007,第98–99页:'The chancellery of the Jewish state of the Khazars is therefore also likely to have used Hebrew writing even if the official language was a Turkic one.
  26. ^ Golden 2001b,第78页.“词汇部落 和术语氏族一样麻烦。它被普遍认为是和氏族一样用来表示一个团体,声称拥有同一的(in some ulture zones eponymous)祖先拥有共同的领地、经济、语言、文化、宗教和认同感。事实上部落经常是高度流动的社会政治结构,产生正如莫顿·傅瑞德英语Morton Fried所指出的“零时为应对竞争的短暂状态”
  27. ^ Golden 2007a,第14页
  28. ^ Szádeczky-Kardoss 1994,第206页
  29. ^ Golden 2007a,第40–41页;Brook 2010,第4页 note that Dieter Ludwig, in his doctoral thesis Struktur und Gesellschaft des Chazaren-Reiches im Licht der schriftlichen Quellen, (Münster,1982) suggested that the Khazars were Turkic members of the Hephthalite Empire, where the lingua franca was a variety of Iranian.
  30. ^ Golden 2006,第86页
  31. ^ Golden 2007a,第53页,
  32. ^ Zuckerman 2007,第404页.Cf.'The reader should be warned that the A-shih-na link of the Khazar dynasty, an old phantom of . . Khazarology, will . .lose its last claim to reality'.
  33. ^ 33.0 33.1 Golden 2006,第89页.
  34. ^ Golden 2006,第89–90页. In this view, the name Khazar would derive from a hypothetical *Aq Qasar.
  35. ^ 35.0 35.1 Kaegi 2003,第143 n.115页, citing also Golden 1992,第127–136,234–237页.
  36. ^ Whittow 1996,第221页. The word Türk, Whittow adds, had no strict ethnic meaning at the time: 'Throughout the early middle ages on the Eurasian steppes, the term 'Turk' may or may not imply membership of the ethnic group of Turkic peoples, but it does always mean at least some awareness and acceptance of the traditions and ideology of the Gök Türk empire, and a share, however distant, in the political and cultural inheritance of that state.'
  37. ^ Kaegi 2003,第154–186页.
  38. ^ Whittow 1996,第222页.
  39. ^ Golden 2010,第54–55页 The Duōlù (咄陆) were the left wing of the On Oq, the Nǔshībì (弩失毕: *Nu Šad(a)pit), and together they were registered in Chinese sources as the 'ten names' (shí míng:十名).
  40. ^ Golden 2001b,第94–5页.
  41. ^ Somogyi 2008,第128页.
  42. ^ Golden 2006,第90页.
  43. ^ Golden 2007a,第11–13页.
  44. ^ Golden 2007a,第7–8页
  45. ^ Golden 2001b,第73页
  46. ^ Golden 2007b,第155–156页. Several scholars connect it to Judaization, with Artamonov linking its introduction to Obadiyah's reforms and the imposition of full Rabbinical Judaism and Pritsak to the same period (799-833), arguing that the Beg, a major domo from the Iranian *Barč/Warâ</Bolčan clan, identified with Obadiyah, compelled the Qağanal clan to convert, an event which putatively caused the Qabar revolt. Golden comments: "There is nothing but conjecture to connect it with the reforms of Obadiyah, the further evolution of Khazar Judaism or the Qabars ... The fact is we do not know when, precisely, the Khazar system of dual kingship emerged. It could not have come ex nihilo. It was not present in the early stages of Khazar history. Given the Old Türk traditions of the Khazar state ... and the overall institutional conservation of steppe society, one must exercise great caution here. Clear evidence for it is relatively late (the latter part of the ninth century perhaps and more probably the tenth/century- although it was probably present by the first third of the ninth century. Iranian influences via the Ors guard of the Qağans may have also been a factor"
  47. ^ Noonan 1999,第500页
  48. ^ Olsson 2013,第2页.
  49. ^ Dunlop 1954,第97,112页. The nobles would kill him if his reign lasted even one day beyond the specified number of years. Ibn Fadlan gave a precise figure for the maximum number of years allotted to a king's reign. If a Qağan had ruled for at least forty years, Fadlan wrote, his courtiers and subjects felt that his ability to reason had become impaired on account of his old age. They would then kill the Qağan.
  50. ^ 50.0 50.1 50.2 Noonan 2001,第77页.
  51. ^ Golden 2006.
  52. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第256–257页 notes that Ibn Fadlun's description of a Rus' prince (malik) and his lieutenant (khalifa) mirrored the Khazarian diarchy, but the report is flawed, there being no sacral kingship among the Rus'.
  53. ^ Golden 2007b,第133–4页.
  54. ^ Shingiray 2012,第212页
  55. ^ de Weese 1994,第181页,
  56. ^ Golden, 2006 & pp. 79–81.
  57. ^ Golden 2007b,第130–131页: "the rest of the Khazars profess a religion similar to that of the Turks."
  58. ^ Golden 2006,第88页
  59. ^ Golden 2007b,第138页.This regiment was exempt from campaigning against fellow Muslims, evidence that non-Judaic beliefs was no obstacle to access to the highest levels of government.They had abandoned their homeland after the onset of Islam, and sought service with the Khazars, according to al-Masudi.
  60. ^ Olsson 2013,第13页 writes that there is no evidence for this Islamic guard for the 9th century, but that its existence is attested for 913.
  61. ^ Golden 2006,第79–80,88页.
  62. ^ Olsson 2013,第1页.
  63. ^ Noonan 2007,第211,217页 gives the lower figure for the Muslim contingents, but adds that the army could draw on other mercenaries stationed in the capital, Rūs, Ṣaqāliba and pagans. Olsson's 10,000 refers to the spring-summar horsemen in the nomadic king's retinue.
  64. ^ Koestler 1977,第18页
  65. ^ Dunlop 1954,第113页
  66. ^ Dunlop 1954,第96页
  67. ^ Brook 2010,第3–4页
  68. ^ Patai & Patai 1989,第70页.
  69. ^ Brook 2010,第3页
  70. ^ Golden 2006,第86 n.39,89页The ethnonym in the Tang Chinese annals, Āshǐnà (阿史那), often accorded a key role in the Khazar leadership, may reflect an Eastern Iranian or Tokharian word (Khotanese Saka âşşeina-āššsena 'blue'): Middle Persian axšaêna ('dark-coloured'): Tokharian A âśna ('blue', 'dark').
  71. ^ Luttwak 2009,第152页.
  72. ^ Oppenheim 1994,第312页.
  73. ^ Brook 2010,第3-4页.
  74. ^ Barthold 1993,第936页.
  75. ^ Golden 2011,第64页.
  76. ^ Noonan 2007,第208–209, 216–219页. A third division may have contained the dwellings of the tsarina. The dimensions of the western part were 3x3, as opposed to the eastern part's 8 x 8 farsakhs.
  77. ^ 77.0 77.1 Noonan 2007,第214页.
  78. ^ Noonan 2007,第211–214页. Outside Muslim traders were under the jurisdiction of a special royal official (ghulām).
  79. ^ Erdal 2007,第75, n.2页.'there must have been many different ethnic groups within the Khazar realm ... These groups spoke different languages, some of them no doubt belonging to the Indo-European or different Caucasian language families.'. The high chancery official of the Abbasid Caliphate under Al-Wathiq, Sallām the interpreter (Sallam al-tardjuman), famous for his reputed mastery of thirty languages, might have been both Jewish and a Khazar.Wasserstein 2007,第376, and n.2页 referring to.Dunlop 1954,第190–193页.
  80. ^ Golden 2006,第91页.'Oğuric Turkic, spoken by many of the subject tribes,doubtless, was one of the linguae francae of the state. Alano-As was also widely spoken. Eastern Common Turkic, the language of the royal house and its core tribes, in all likelihood remained the language of the ruling elite in the same way that Mongol continued to be used by the rulers of the Golden Horde, alongside of the Qipčaq Turkic speech spoken by the bulk of the Turkic tribesmen that constituted the military force of this part of the Činggisid empire. Similarity, Oğuric, like Qipčaq Turkic in the Jočid realm, functioned as one of the languages of government.'
  81. ^ Golden 2007a,第13–14, 14 n.28页. al-Iṣṭakhrī 's account however then contradicts itself by likening the language to Bulğaric.
  82. ^ Golden 2007,第131–133页
  83. ^ Whittow 1996,第220页
  84. ^ Golden 2007b,第133页. Whittow 1996,第220页 notes that this native institution, given the constant, lengthy, military and acculturating pressures on the tribes from China to the East, was influenced also by the sinocentric doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven (Tiānmìng:(天命), which signaled legitimacy of rule.
  85. ^ Kohen 2007,第112页. Johannes Buxtorf first published the letters around 1660. Controversy arose over their authenticity: it was even argued that the letters represented: 'no more than Jewish self-consolation and fantasmagory over the lost dreams of statehood' (Kohen ibid).
  86. ^ Dunlop 1954,第130页:'If anyone thinks that the Khazar correspondence was first composed in 1577 and published in Qol Mebasser, the onus of proof is certainly on him. He must show that a number of ancient manuscripts, which appear to contain references to the correspondence, have all been interpolated since the end of the sixteenth century. This will prove a very difficult or rather an impossible task.'
  87. ^ Golden 2007b,第145–6页:'The issue of the authenticity of the Correspondence has a long and mottled history which need not detain us here. Dunlop and most recently Golb have demonstrated that Hasdai's letter, Joseph's response (dating perhaps from the 950s) and the "Cambridge Document" are, indeed, authentic.'
  88. ^ deWeese 2010,第171,305页:'(a court debate on conversion)appears in accounts of Khazar Judaism in two Hebrew accounts, as well as in one eleventh-century Arabic account. These widespread and evidently independent attestations would seem to support the historicity of some kind of court debate, but, more important, clearly suggest the currency of tales recounting the conversion and originating among the Khazar Jewish community itself' . .'the "authenticity" of the Khazar correspondence is hardly relevant'.(p.171): 'The wider issue of the "authenticity" of the "Khazar correspondence", and of the significance of this tale's parallels with the equally controversial Cambridge document /Schechter text, has been discussed extensively in the literature on Khazar Judaism; much of the debate loses significance if, as Pritsak has recently suggested, the accounts are approached as "epic" narratives rather than evaluated from the standpoint of their "historicity".
  89. ^ Szpiech 2012,第102页.
  90. ^ Toch 2012,第162–3页:'Of the intensive archaeological study of Khazar sites (over a thousand burial sites have been investigated!), not one has yet yielded finds that yet fit in some way the material legacy of antique European or Middle Eastern Jewry.' Shingiray 2012,第209–211页 noting the widespread lack of artifacts of wealth in Khazar burials, arguing that nomads used few materials to express their personal attributes:'The SMC assemblages-even if they wee not entirely missing from the Khazar imperial center-presented an oustanding insance of archaeological material minimalism in this region.'
  91. ^ Golden 2007b,第150–1, and note137页'But, one must ask, are we to expect much religious paraphernalia in a recently converted steppe society? Do the Oğuz, in the century or so after their Islamization, present much physical evidence in the steppe for their new faith? These conclusions muyst be considered preliminary.'
  92. ^ Golden 2007b,第128–9页 compares Ulfilas's conversions of the Goths to Arianism;Al-Masudi records a conversion of the Alans to Christianity during the Abbasid period;the Volga Bulğars adopted Islam after their leader converted in the 10th century; the Uyğur Qağan accepted Manichaeism in 762
  93. ^ Golden 2007b,第123页, taking exception to J. B. Bury's claim (1912) that it was 'unique in history'.(Koestler 1977,第52页);Golden 2007b,第153页 cites from Jewish history the conversion of Idumeans under John Hyrcanus; of the Itureans under Aristobulus I; of the kingdom of Adiabene under Queen Helena; the Ḥimyârî kings in Yemen, and Berber assimilations to North African Jewry.
  94. ^ Gil 2011,第429–441页 is a lone voice in arguing the conversion never took place. Gil believes the conversion of Khazars is a myth, and argues that Arab sources do not mention Khazars as Jews, and contemporary Jewish responsa show no trace of Khazarian Jews. He concludes that the conversion 'never happened'.
  95. ^ Golden 2007b,第124, 135页.
  96. ^ 96.0 96.1 Golden 2007b,第125页.
  97. ^ de Weese 1994,第292–293页.
  98. ^ Golden 2007b,第124页:Alp Ilut'uêr is a Turkish subordinate title.
  99. ^ Golden 2007b,第135–6页:Shapira 2007b,第347–348页 thinks the evidence from such Georgian sources renders suspect a conversion prior to this date.
  100. ^ Golden 2007b,第135–136页, reporting on al-Muqaddasi.
  101. ^ de Weese 1994,第73页 during Islamic invasions, some groups of Khazars who suffered defeat, including a qağan, were converted to Islam.
  102. ^ Golden 2007b,第141–145,161页
  103. ^ Noonan 2001,第77–78页.
  104. ^ Golden 2007b,第126页:'The Șûfî wandering out into the steppe was far more effective in bringing Islam to the Turkic nomads than the learned 'ulamâ of the cities.'
  105. ^ Wexler 1987,第61页.
  106. ^ Cahen 1997,第137–139页 argues the conversion was restricted to the elite.Wexler 2002,第514页:'the Khazars (most of whom did not convert to Judaism, but remained animists, or adopted Islam and Christianity), . .'.
  107. ^ Golden 2007b,第127页:'In much of the literature on conversions of Inner Asian peoples, attempts are made, "to minimize the impact" . . This has certainly been true of some of the scholarship regarding the Khazars.'
  108. ^ Olsson 2013,第2页:'scholars who have contributed to the subject of the Khazars' conversion, have based their arguments on a limited corpus of textual, and more recently, numismatic evidence . .Taken together these sources offer a cacophony of distortions, contradictions, vested interests, and anomalies in some areas, and nothing but silence in others.'
  109. ^ Noonan 1999,第502页:'Judaism was apparently chosen because it was a religion of the book without being the faith of a neighbouring state which had designs on Khazar lands.'
  110. ^ Salo 1957,第198页:'Their conversion to Judaism was the equivalent of a declaration of neutrality between the two rival powers.'
  111. ^ Golden 2007b,第139页:We are not aware of any nation under the sky that would not have Christians among them. For even in Gog and Magog, the Hunnic people who call themselves Gazari, those whom Alexander confined, there was a tribe more brave than the others. This tribe had already been circumcised and they profess all dogmata of Judaism (omnem Judaismum observat).'
  112. ^ Olsson 2013,第3页. The idea of a forced general conversion imposed on the Qağanal dynasty in the 830s was advanced by Omeljian Pritsak, and is now supported by Roman Kovalev and Peter Golden.
  113. ^ Olsson 2013,第13页. He identifies this with the onset of Magyar invasions of the Pontic steppe in the 830s, the construction of Sarkel, and the Schechter letter's reference to Bulan, converted to his Jewish wife's faith, wresting power, in a period of famine, elements which undermined the qağan, and allowed the creation of the royal diarchy.Olsson 2013,第13,19–23页.
  114. ^ Shingiray 2012,第212–214页.
  115. ^ Szpiech 2012,第92–117,104页.
  116. ^ Golden 2007b,第143,159页:wa al-ḥazarwa malikuhum kulluhum yahûd('The Khazars and their king are all Jews')
  117. ^ Golden 2007b,第143页, citing his comment on Genesis 9:27:'some other commentators are of the opinion that this verse alludes to the Khazars who accepted Judaism', with Golden's comment:'Certainly, by this time, the association of Khazaria and Judaism in the Jewish world was an established fact'.
  118. ^ Golden 2007b,第137–138页,
  119. ^ Spinei 2009,第50页.
  120. ^ Shapira 2007b,第349, and n.178页 and Zuckerman 1995,第250页 disagree, consider there was only one stage and place it later. Shapira takes stage 1 as a Jewish-Khazar reinterpretation of the Tengri-cult in terms of a monotheism similar to Judaism's; Zuckerman thinks Judaisation took place, just once, after 861.
  121. ^ Golden 2007b,第127–128,151–153页.Dunlop 1954,第170页 Dunlop thought the Ist stage occurred with the king's conversion c. 740; the second with the installation of Rabbinial Judaism c. 800.
  122. ^ DeWeese 1994,第300–308页.
  123. ^ 123.0 123.1 Melamed 2003,第24–26页.
  124. ^ Schweid 2007,第279页. Arabic original: Kitâb al-ḥuyya wa'l-dalîl fi naṣr al-din al-dhalîl (Book of the Argument and Demonstration in Aid of the Despised Faith).
  125. ^ Korobkin 1998
  126. ^ Brook 2010,第30; 41, n.75页 mentions also a letter in Hebrew, the Mejelis document, dated (985–986), which refers to "our lord David, the Khazar prince" who lived in Taman. As Brook noted, both D. M. Dunlop and Dan Shapira dismiss it as a forgery.
  127. ^ Shapira 2009,第1102页. The name is commonly etymologized as meaning 'elk' in Türkic. Shapira identifies him with the Sabriel of the Schechter letter, and suggests, since Sabriel is unattested as a Jewish name, though the root is 'hope, believe, find out, understand' that it is a calque on the Oğuz Türkic bulan(one who finds out) or bilen (one who knows)
  128. ^ Szpiech 2012,第93–117,102页, citing the letter of Letter of King Joseph:et ha-qosmim ve-et'ovdei 'avodah zarah('expelled the wizards and idolators').
  129. ^ DeWeese 1994,第302页. This detail is in Halevi's Sefer Ha-Kusari. Golden has identified Warsān as Transcaucasian Varaˇc'an (Olsson 2013,第18页) Ḥasdai ibn Shaprūṭ's letter also mentions a legend that the Chaldaeans, under persecution, hid the Scriptures in a cave, and taught their sons to pray there, which they did until their descendants forgot the custom. Much later, a tradition has it, a man of Israel entered the cave and, retrieving the books, taught the descendants how to learn the Law.(De Weese 1994,第304–5页).
  130. ^ Korobkin 1998,第352, n.8页.
  131. ^ Dunlop 1954,第170页.
  132. ^ De Weese 1994,第303页;Golb & Pritsak 1882,第111页:The Schechter document has officers during the religious debate speak of a cave in a certain plain (TYZWL) where books are to be retrieved. They turn out to be the books of the Torah.
  133. ^ Golden 2007b,第157页.
  134. ^ DeWeese 1994,第276,300–304页. The original ancestral cavern of the Türks, according to Chinese sources, was called Ötüken and the tribal leaders would travel there annually to conduct sacrificial rites.
  135. ^ Dunlop 1954,第117–118页.
  136. ^ DeWeese 1994,第304–305页.
  137. ^ 137.0 137.1 Róna-Tas 1999,第232页.
  138. ^ Maroney 2010,第72页
  139. ^ Golden 2007a,第34页.
  140. ^ Kohen 2007,第107–108页, refers to Khazar killings of Christians or the uncircumcized in retaliation for persecutions of Jews in Byzantium, and Khazar reprisals against Muslims for persecutions of Jews in Caucasian Albania, perhaps under Emir Nasr.
  141. ^ Golden 2007b,第161页.
  142. ^ Koestler 1977,第63页;Leviant 2008,第159–162,162页:'If indeed I could learn that this was the case, then, despising all my glory, abadndoning my high estate, leaving my family, I would go over mountains and hills, through seas and lands, till I should arrive at the place where my Lord the King resides, that I might see not only his glory and magnificence, and that of his servants and ministers, but also the tranquillity of the Israelites. On beholding this my eyes would brighten, my reins would exult, my lips would pour forth praises to God, who has not withdrawn his favour from his afflicted ones.'
  143. ^ Abraham Harkavy,Ha-Maggid (1877) p.357.Secondary source required.
  144. ^ Harkavy, in Kohut Memorial Volume, p. 244.
  145. ^ 145.0 145.1 Petrukhin 2007,第263页.
  146. ^ Luttwak 2009,第52页
  147. ^ Róna-Tas 1999,第282页: Theophanes the Confessor around 813 defined them as Eastern Turks. The designation is complex and Róna-Tas writes:'The Georgian Chronicle refers to the Khazars in 626-628 as the 'West Turks' who were then opposed to the East Turks of Central Asia. Shortly after 679 the Armenian Geography mentions the Turks together with the Khazars; this may be the first record of the Magyars. Around 813, Theophanes uses -alongside the generic name Turk -'East Turk' for the designation of the Khazars, and in the context, the 'West Turks' may actually have meant the Magyars. We know that Nicholas Misticus refers to the Magyars as 'West Turks' in 924.925. In the 9th century the name Turk was mainly used to designate the Khazars.'
  148. ^ Many sources identify the Göktürks in this alliance as Khazars, for example, Beckwith writes recently:'The alliance sealed by Heraclius with the Khazars in 627 was of seminal importance to the Byantine Empire through the Early Middle Ages, and helped assure its long-term survival.'Beckwith 2011,第=120,122页. Early sources such as the almost contemporary Armenian history,Patmutʿiwn Ałuanicʿ Ašxarhi attributed to Movsēs Dasxurancʿ, and the Chronicle attributed to Theophanes identify these Turks as Khazars (Theophanes has: 'Turks, who are called Khazars'). Both Zuckerman and Golden reject the identification Zuckerman 2007,第403–404页.
  149. ^ Kaegi 2003,第143–145页.
  150. ^ Róna-Tas 1999,第230页.
  151. ^ Kaegi 2003,第145页.
  152. ^ Zuckerman 2007,第417页. Scholars dismiss Chinese annals which, reporting the events from Turkic sources, attribute the destruction of Persia and its leader Shah Khusrau II personally to Tong Yabghu. Zuckerman argues instead that the account is correct in its essentials.
  153. ^ Bauer 2010,第341页.
  154. ^ Ostrogorsky 1969,第124–126页.
  155. ^ Cameron 1984,第212页. By 711, however, Busir was supporting, possibly instigating,[来源请求] a revolt in Cherson among Byzantine troops led by another exile, rebel general Bardanes, who seized the throne as Emperor Philippikos and killed Justinian.
  156. ^ Luttwak 2009,第137–8页
  157. ^ Piltz 2004,第42页.
  158. ^ Noonan 2007,第220页.
  159. ^ Beckworth 2009,第392,n.22页.
  160. ^ McBride & Heath 2004,第14页.
  161. ^ Mako 2010,第45页
  162. ^ 162.0 162.1 Brook 2010,第126–7页
  163. ^ Brook 2010,第127页
  164. ^ Wasserstein 2007,第375–376页
  165. ^ Moss 2002,第16页. Over 520 separate hoards of such silver have been uncovered in Sweden and Gotland.
  166. ^ Abulafia 1987,第419,480–483页.The Volga Bulgarian state was converted to Islam in the 10th century, and wrested liberty from its Khazarian suzerains when Svyatislav razed Atil.
  167. ^ Shepard 2006,第19页.
  168. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第245页
  169. ^ Noonan 2001,第81页.
  170. ^ Whittow 1996,第243–252页 argues however that:The title of qaghan, with its claims to lordship over the steppe world, is likely to be no more than ideological booty from the 965 victory.'
  171. ^ Korobkin 1998,第xxvii页 citing Golb & Pritsak 1982,第15页 notes that Khazars have often been connected with Kiev's foundations. Pritsak and Golb state that children in Kiev were being given a mixture of Hebrew and Slavic names by c. 930. Toch 2012,第166页 on the other hand is sceptical, and argues that 'a significant Jewish presence in early medieval Kiev or indeed in Russia at large remains much in doubt'.
  172. ^ Golden 2007b,第156页.The yarmaq based on the Arab dirhem was perhaps issued in reaction to fall-off in Muslim minting in 820s, and to a felt need in the turbulent upheavals of the 830s to assert a new religious profile, with the Jewish legends stamped on them.
  173. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第247, and n.1页: Scholars are divided as to whether the fortification of Sarkel represents a defensive bulwark against a growing Magyar or Varangian threat.
  174. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第257页.
  175. ^ 175.0 175.1 175.2 Kohen 2007,第107页.
  176. ^ Noonan 1999,第502–3页.
  177. ^ Kohen 2007,第106页.MQDWN or the Macedon dynasty of Byzantium;SY,perhaps a central Volga statelet, Burtas, Asya; PYYNYL denoting the Danube-Don Pechnegs;BM, perhaps indicating the Volga Bulgars, and TWRQY or Oghuz Turks. The provisory identifications are those of Pritsak.
  178. ^ Noonan 1999,第508页.
  179. ^ Olsson 2013,第13页: Al-Masudi says the king secretly tipped off the Rus' of the attack, but was unable to oppose the request of his guards.
  180. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第257页. The letter continues:'I wage war with them. If I left them (in peace) for a single hour they would crush the whole land of the Ishmaelites up to Baghdad.'
  181. ^ 科雷福迪耶-雷彼德夫英语Klavdy Lebedev (1852–1916), 斯维亚托斯拉夫与约翰皇帝的会面,如[执事李奥英语Leo the Deacon所描述。
  182. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第259页.
  183. ^ 183.0 183.1 183.2 Petrukhin 2007,第262页.
  184. ^ Petrukhin 2007,第262–263页.
  185. ^ Dunlop 1954,第242页.
  186. ^ Dunlop 1954,第248页.Dunlop thought the later city of Saqsin lay on or near Atil
  187. ^ Gow,第31, n.28页.
  188. ^ Sand 2010,第229页
  189. ^ Golden 2007b,第148页.
  190. ^ Brook 2010,第156页. The Caspian Sea is still known to Arabs, and many peoples of the region, as the 'Khazar Sea' (Arabic Bahr ul-Khazar)
  191. ^ Noonan 1999,第503页.
  192. ^ Golden 2007b,第147–8页.
  193. ^ 193.0 193.1 Kohen 2007,第109页.
  194. ^ Shapira 2007a,第305页.
  195. ^ Dunlop 1954,第253页.
  196. ^ Sand 2010,第227页.
  197. ^ Dubnov 1980,第792页.
  198. ^ Golden 2007a,第45, and n.157页
  199. ^ Golden 2007b,第130页:'thus it is clear that the false doctrine of Yišô in Rome (Hrôm) and that of Môsê among the Khazars and that of Mânî in Turkistan took away their might and the valor that they once possessed and made them feeble and decadent among their rivals'.
  200. ^ Golden 2007b,第159页.
  201. ^ Peacock 2010,第27-35, 27-28,35页 for details.Some sources claim that the father of Seljuk, the eponymous progenitor of the Seljuk Turks, namely Toqaq Temür Yalığ, began his career as an Oghuz soldier in Khazar service in the early and mid-10th century, and rose to high rank before he fell out with the Khazar rulers and departed for Khwarazm. Seljuk's sons, significantly, all bear names from the Jewish scriptures: Mîkâ'il, Isrâ'îl, Mûsâ, Yûnus. Peacock argues that early traditions attesting a Seljuk origin within the Khazar empire when it was powerful, were later rewritten, after Khazaria fell from power in the 11th century, to blank out the connection.
  202. ^ Peacock 2010,第35页.
  203. ^ Erdal 2007,第80, n.22页:Wexler 1987,第72页 Tzitzak is often treated as her original proper name, with a Turkic etymology čiček ('flower') Erdal, however, citing the Byzantine work on court ceremony De Ceremoniis, authored by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, argues that the word referred only to the dress Irene wore at court, perhaps denoting its colourfulness, and compares it to the Hebrew ciciot, the knotted fringes of a ceremonial shawl tallit.
  204. ^ Golden 2001a,第28–29,37页.
  205. ^ Golden 1994b,第247–248页.
  206. ^ Róna-Tas 1999,第56页
  207. ^ Golden 2007a,第33页.
  208. ^ Golden 2007b,第150页.
  209. ^ Brook 2010,第167页.
  210. ^ Brook 2010,第113, 122–3 n.148页. 'Engravings that resemble the six-pointed Star of David were found on circular Khazar relics and bronze mirrors from Sarkel and Khazarian grave fields in Upper Saltov. However, rather than having been made by Jews, these appear to be shamanistic sun discs.'
  211. ^ Oppenheim 1994,第310页.
  212. ^ Schweid 2007,第286页.
  213. ^ Brook 2010,第191–192, n.72页 says this thesis was developed by Jacob Mann, based on a reading of the word "Khazaria" in the Cairo Geniza fragment. Bernard Lewis, he adds, challenged the assumption by noting that the original text reads Hakkâri and refers to the Kurds of the Hakkâri mountains in south-east Turkey.
  214. ^ Baron 1957,第202–204,p.204页.
  215. ^ Wexler 2002,第514页.
  216. ^ Golden 2007b,第149页.
  217. ^ Brook 2010,第177–178页
  218. ^ Noonan 2007,第229页.
  219. ^ Kizilov 2009,第335页
  220. ^ Patai & Patai 2987,第73页.
  221. ^ Wexler 1987,第70页.
  222. ^ 222.0 222.1 Golden 2007a,第9页
  223. ^ Róna-Tas 1999,第232页:Rabbinic Judaism rather than Qaraism was the form adopted. Small Karaim communities may have existed, but the linguistic and historical evidence suggests that the Turkic-speaking Karaim Jews in Poland and Lithuania, one branch also existed in Crimea, descend from the Khazars. 'At most, it is conceivable that the smaller Karaite community which lived in Kharazia gained the Kipchak type Turkic language, that they speak today, through an exchange of language.' Khazars probably converted to Rabbinic Judaism, whereas in Karaism only the Torah is accepted, the Talmud being ignored.
  224. ^ Brook 2010,第227–228页.
  225. ^ Wexler 2002,第513–541页.
  226. ^ Wexler 2002,第536页.'Most scholars are sceptical about the hypothesis'. Wexler, who proposes a variation on the idea, argues that a combination of three reasons accounts for scholarly aversion to the concept: a desire not to get mixed up in controversy, ideological insecurities, and the incompetence of much earlier work in favour of that hypothesis.
  227. ^ Golden 2007a,第56页:'Methodologically, Wexler has opened up some new areas, taking elements of folk culture into account. I think that his conclusions have gone well beyond the evidence. Nonetheless, these are themes that should be pursued further.'
  228. ^ Shapira 2006,第166页.
  229. ^ Rossman 2002,第98页: Abraham Harkavy, O yazykye evreyev, zhivshikh v drevneye vremya na Rusi i o slavianskikh slovakh, vstrechaiuschikhsia u evreiskikh pisatelei, St. Petersburg.
  230. ^ Barkun 1997,第137页: Ernest Renan, "Judaism as a Race and as Religion." Delivered on the January 27, 1883.
  231. ^ Rossman 2002,第98页.
  232. ^ Singerman 2004,第3–4页, Israël chez les nations (1893)
  233. ^ Polonsky, Basista & Link-Lenczowski 1993,第120页. In the book Początki religii żydowskiej w Polsce, Warsaw: E. Wende i S-ka, 1903.
  234. ^ Goldstein 2006,第131页. Goldstein writes: 'The theory that Eastern European Jews descended from the Khazars was originally proposed by . .Samuel Weissenberg in an attempt to show that Jews were deeply rooted on Russian soil and that the cradle of Jewish civilization was the Caucasus'. Weissenberg's book Die Südrussischen Juden, was published in 1895.
  235. ^ Koestler 1976,第134,150页. Die Chasaren; historische Studie, A. Holzhauen,Vienna 1909.2nd ed., 1910.
  236. ^ Koestler 1976,第134,150页.
  237. ^ Goldstein 2006,第131页. Maurice Fishberg, The Jews: A Study of Race and Environment.
  238. ^ Litman 1984,第85–110,109页. Schipper's first monograph on this was published in the Almanach Žydowski (Vienna) in 1918, While in the Warsaw ghetto before falling victim to the Holocaust at Majdanek, Schipper (1884–1943) was working on the Khazar hypothesis.
  239. ^ Brook 2010,第210页.
  240. ^ Wells 2004,第2页:"There were Arab tribes who were Jews in the time of Muhammad, and a Turkic people who were mainly Jews in South Russia in the ninth century. Judaism is indeed the reconstructed political ideal of many shattered peoples-mainly semitic. As a result of these coalescences and assimilations, almost everywhere in the towns throughout the Roman Empire, and far beyond it in the east, Jewish communities traded and flourished, and were kept in touch through the Bible, and through a religious and educational organization. The main part of Jewry never was in Judea and had never come out of Judea."
  241. ^ Singerman 2004,第4页.
  242. ^ Morris 2003,第22页: Pasha Glubb held that Russian Jews 'have considerably less Middle Eastern blood, consisting largely of pagan Slav proselytes or of Khazar Turks.' For Glubb, they were not 'descendants of the Judeans . .The Arabs of Palestine are probably more closely related to the Judeans (genetically) than are modern Russian or German Jews'. . 'Of course, an anti-Zionist (as well as an anti-Semitic) point is being made here: The Palestinians have a greater political right to Palestine than the Jews do, as they, not the modern-day Jews, are the true descendants of the land's Jewish inhabitants/owners'.
  243. ^ Roland Burrage Dixon The Racial History of Man, 1923; H. G. Wells, The Outline of History (1921)
  244. ^ Malkiel 2008,第263,n.1页.
  245. ^ Golden 2007a,第29页. 'Poliak sought the origins of Eastern European Jewry in Khazaria'. First written as an article, then as a monograph (1942), it was twice revised in 1944, and 1951 as Kazariyah: Toldot mamlaxa yehudit (Khazaria:The History of a Jewish Kingdom in Europe) Mosad Bialik, Tel Aviv, 1951.
  246. ^ Sand 2010,第234页.
  247. ^ Dunlop 1954,第261,263页.
  248. ^ Poliakov 2005,第285页:'As for the Jews of Eastern Europe (Poles, Russians, etc.,) it has always been assumed that they descended from an amalgamation of Jews of Khazar stock from southern Russia and German Jews (the latter having imposed their superior culture).'
  249. ^ Sand 2010,第241–2页. Sand cites Salo Wittmayer Baron,Baron 1957,第196–206, p.206页:'before and after the Mongol upheaval the Khazars sent many offshoots into the unsubdued Slavonic lands, helping ultimately to build up the great Jewish center of Eastern Europe'; and Ben-Zion Dinur, Yisrael ba-gola 5 vols., 3rd ed.(1961–1966)Tel-Aviv: Jerusalem:Dvir;Bialik Institute, 1961. (OCLC:492532282) vol.1 p.2,5:'The Russian conquests did not destroy the Khazar kingdom entirely, but they broke it up and diminished it And this kingdom, which had absorbed Jewish immigration and refugees from many exiles, must itself have become a diaspora mother, the mother of one of the greatest of the diasporas (Em-galuyot, em akhat hagaluyot hagdolot)-of Israel in Russia, Lithuania and Poland.'
  250. ^ Golden 2007a,第55页:'Salo Baron, who incorrectly viewed them as Finno-Ugrians, believed that the Khazars "sent many offshoots into the unsubdued Slavonic lands, helping ultimately to build up the great Jewish centers of eastern Europe'
  251. ^ Golden 2007a,第55页:'dismissed ... rather airily'.
  252. ^ 252.0 252.1 252.2 Sand 2010,第240.页
  253. ^ Lewis 1987,第48页:'Some limit this denial to European Jews and make use of the theory that the Jews of Europe are not of Israelite descent at all but are the offspring of a tribe of Central Asian Turks converted to Judaism, called the Khazars. This theory, first put forward by an Austrian anthropologist in the early years of this century, is supported by no evidence whatsoever. It has long since been abandoned by all serious scholars in the field, including those in Arab countries, where Khazar theory is little used except in occasional political polemics.' Assertions of this kind has been challenged by Paul WexlerWexler 2002,第538页 who also notes that the arguments on this issue are riven by contrasting ideological investments:'Most writers who have supported the Ashkenazi-Khazar hypothesis have not argued their claims in a convincing manner . . The opponents of the Khazar-Ashkenazi nexus are no less guilty of empty polemics and unconvincing arguments.'(p.537)).
  254. ^ Patai & Patai 1989,第71页: 'it is assumed by all historians that those Jewish Khazars who survived the last fateful decades sought and found refuge in the bosom of Jewish communities in the Christian countries to the west, and especially in Russia and Poland, on the one hand, and in the Muslim countries to the east and the south, on the other. Some historians and anthropologists go so far as to consider the modern Jews of East Europe, and more particularly of Poland, the descendants of the medieval Khazars.'
  255. ^ Brook 2010
  256. ^ Toch 2012,第155,n.4页.
  257. ^ Wexler 2007,第387–398页.
  258. ^ Sand 2010,第190–249页.
  259. ^ 259.0 259.1 Elhaik 2012,第61–74页. 引用错误:带有name属性“Elhaik 2012 61–74”的<ref>标签用不同内容定义了多次
  260. ^ Golden 2007,第9–10页.
  261. ^ Goldstein 2006,第131页.
  262. ^ Singerman 2004,第4–5页.
  263. ^ Goodrick-Clarke 2003,第237页.
  264. ^ .Boller 1992,第2,6–7页. Barkun 1997,第141–2页. Beaty was an anti-Semitic, McCarthyite professor of Old English at SMU, author of 'The Iron Curtain over America, (Dallas 1952). According to him, 'the Khazar Jews . .were responsible for all of America's – and the world's ills, beginning with World War 1. The book 'had little impact' until the former Wall Street broker and oil tycoon J. Russell Maguire promoted it.
  265. ^ Barkun 1997,第140–141页. Cf. Wilmot Robertson Dispossessed Majority(1972)
  266. ^ Wexler 2002,第514页 has a more detailed bibliography.
  267. ^ Harkabi 1987,第424页:"Arab anti-Semitism might have been expected to be free from the idea of racial odium, since Jews and Arabs are both regarded by race theory as Semites, but the odium is directed, not against the Semitic race, but against the Jews as a historical group. The main idea is that the Jews, racially, are a mongrel community, most of them being not Semites, but of Khazar and European origin." This essay was translated from Harkabi Hebrew text 'Arab Antisemitism' in Shmuel Ettinger, Continuity and Discontinuity in Antisemitism, (Hebrew) 1968 (p.50).
  268. ^ Shnirelman 2007,第353–372页:'in the very late 1980s Russian nationalists were fixated on the "Khazar episode." For them the Khazar issue seemed to be a cruial one. They treated it a the first historically documented case of the imposition of a foreign yoke on the Slavs, .. In this context the term "Khazars" became popular as a euphemism for the so-called "Jewish occupation regime." (p.354)
  269. ^ Rossman 2007,第121–188页.
  270. ^ Barkun 1997,第136–7页:'The Khazar theory never figured as a major component of anti-Semitism. Indeed, it receives only scant attention in Léon Poliakov's monumental history of the subject.'
  271. ^ Barkun 2012,第165页:'Although the Khazar theory gets surprisingly little attention in scholarly histories of anti-Semitism, it has been an influential theme among American anti-Semites since the immigration restrictionists of the 1920s,'.
  272. ^ Gow 1995,第30–31, n.28页.
  273. ^ Barkun 1997,第142–144页.
  274. ^ Goodman & Miyazawi 2000,第263–264页.
  275. ^ Ostrer 2012,第24–7,93–95,124–125页.
  276. ^ Nebel, Filon & Brinkmann 2001,第1095–1112页.
  277. ^ Behar, Skorecky & Hammer 2003,第769–779页.
  278. ^ Nebel, Filon & Faerman 2005,第388–391页.
  279. ^ Atzmon & Ostrer 2010,第850–859页
  280. ^ Costa, Pereira & Richards 2013,第1–10页.
  281. ^ El-Haj 2012,第1–2,28–9,120–123, 133页:'if the genome does not prove Sand wrong, neither can it prove him right. It is the wrong kind of evidence and the wrong style of reasoning for the task at hand.'(p.28):'They (researchers) will never be able to prove descent from Khazars: there are no "verification" samples.'(p.133).
  282. ^ Lobel 2000,第2–4页.
  283. ^ Baron 1957,第204页.
  284. ^ Wachtel 1998,第210–215页.
  285. ^ Cokal 2007.
  286. ^ Róna-Tas 1999,第152页:'Kiev in Khazar is Sambat, the same as the Hungarian word szombat,'Saturday', which is likely to have been derived from the Khazar Jews living in Kyiv.'

参考

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  • Shirota, Shun (城田俊). Woods,, John E.; Pfeiffer, Judith; Tucker, Ernest , 编. The Chinese Chroniclers of the Khazars: Notes on Khazaria in Tang Period Texts. Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi (Peter de Ridder Press). 2005, 14: 231–261. 
  • Shnirelman, Victor A. The Story of a Euphemism:The Khazars in Russian Nationalist Literature. Golden, Peter B.; Ben-Shammai,, Haggai; Róna-Tas, András (编). The World of the Khazars:New Perspectives. Handbuch der Orientalistik: Handbook of Uralic studies 17. BRILL. 2007: 353–372. ISBN 978-90-04-16042-2. 

外部链接

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